The Impact of Imaginary Companions on Social Development

The imagination and creativity of children is often puzzling to the adult mind. Pretend play and make-believe friends are often prevalent in the life of a child. Past research shows a relationship between the use of the imagination in children’s play and their social, cognitive, and emotional development. Furthermore, there are a number of gender differences in the type of imaginary play and pretend friends children create. Children of all ages reported engaging in make-believe play. Therefore, this study investigated whether children create imaginary companions as a result of their social adaptability or socially adapt in the way that they do as a result of the presence of an imaginary companion. Imaginary Companion 4 The Impact of Imaginary Companions on Social Development Children of all ages engage in play as they develop into adulthood. Often children, either by themselves or with their friends, re-enact real-life scenarios as they learn about their environment. A child’s imagination is often limitless as he or she may creatively make-believe taking a trip to the grocery store, teaching a classroom of children, or saving the world as a superhero. Children may use their imagination to create “friends” who often participate in everyday activities with them. Although this imaginary play may be a concern for many parents, some researchers support the notion that imaginary companions are common in children and assist in the process of their development. The imagination and creativity children display in their early years express how they process the many new objects, people, and experiences they encounter. Therefore, it is possible that the prevalence of fantasy-play in the life of children impacts many different aspects of their development, including social, emotional, and cognitive (Gleason, 2002; Gleason & Hohmann, 2006; Gmitrová & Gmitrov, 2003; Gmitrová & Gmitrov, 2004; Lewis, Boucher, Lupton, & Watson, 2000; Lindsey & Colwell, 2003; Niec & Russ, 2002). Literature Review Creativity in imaginary play Play in general is beneficial to children in that it facilitates a number of skills beneficial to the child later in life. Children acquire problem-solving skills as a result of engaging in certain types of play. When children are given the opportunity to re-enact an activity or practice a particular type of life skill, they become more creative in their problem solving and do not have as many difficulties as other children who did not Imaginary Companion 5 receive this type of life training. A child’s imagination is also an aspect of his or her creativity. Creativity produces mature thought, encouraging development in the child and explaining the need the child has to explore objects in his or her surrounding environment in order to help him or her understand the surrounding world. When given the opportunity to explore, children learn to accommodate to the unfamiliar, ultimately encouraging the development of creativity (Russ, 2003; Saracho, 2002). Gleason, Sebanc, and Hartup (2000) define the difference between children with imaginary companions and those attached to a personified object. An imaginary friend is created by the imagination of the child and is not represented by any type of material object. However, a personified object is an object that the child treats as an actual living being, giving it human characteristics. Dolls and stuffed animals are often considered personified objects for many children as they treat and interact with them as they would a close friend. The results of the study conducted by Gleason et al. reveal that a child’s relationship with imaginary companions and personified objects differ. Specifically, children with imaginary companions were more likely to create their friend as a means of creating a playmate or adjusting to change in the family. Researchers have attempted to discover why children create imaginary companions and what may possibly cause the formation of a pretend friend. It was found that birth order, imagination, and fantasy life significantly affected whether or not children created imaginary companions. Firstborn children are significantly more likely to create an imaginary friend than their younger siblings. It is suggested the firstborn child may not have a play companion and therefore may compensate for his or her loneliness through the use of their imagination. Furthermore, children with imaginary Imaginary Companion 6 companions were significantly more imaginative and had a higher predisposition to engage in fantasy (Bouldin & Pratt, 1999). Gleason, Jarudi, and Cheek (2003) also found that imagination was significantly different between adult women who reported having an imaginary friend and those who did not. However, the results from Gleason et al. also reveal that there are no significant differences between personality characteristics in those with and without imaginary companions. Personality characteristics used in this particular study were based upon Karen Horney’s study of moving toward, away from, and against other people. Creation of imaginary companions as a social provision It is possible some children create pretend friends in response to the loss of a family member or someone close to them. Research demonstrates that children’s pretend play often imitates that of the real-life experiences they encounter or are exposed to regularly. Imaginary companions are often elaborations of relationships children share with the people around them (Gleason, 2002). It is also possible that children develop many social skills in the early elementary school years. As a result, the imaginary companion is a transitional phase when the child learns to develop skills in interaction with other children. Although Hoff (2005) found that many children with imaginary friends reported having fewer friends and a lower psychological well-being, he explored the importance of realizing that these children may not have socially coped as well without their pretend companions. Since make-believe friends allow children to practice different types of social situations, it is possible that socially incompetent children use their imaginations to cope. Although they may not be as developed as their peers, they Imaginary Companion 7 may learn more through the use of their make-believe friends than if they did not have them at all. Some research has been done in regards to how children use their imaginary companions as a social provision, or a way to provide for themselves important relationships they are lacking. Gleason (2002) found children with imaginary friends and attachments to personified objects often favored their imaginary companions over their parents and best friends in real life in regards to relationships they nurtured. Additionally, it was found that children with imaginary friends distinguished between parents and best friends in regards to how they are socially provided in these relationships significantly more than children attached to personified objects or children with no imaginary attachment. Children with imaginary companions are more likely to understand the distinction between different types of relationships. This is possible because children may use their imaginary companions to practice different types of relationships, providing for them the opportunity to understand what the relationships around them socially provide. Gleason and Hohmann (2006) discovered that children’s relationships with imaginary friends did not differ from their real-life companions. Therefore, it was suggested that imaginary companions are replications of real relationships and are created as a result of the child’s need or desire for a relationship. Characteristics of children with imaginary friends Boys and girls differ in the way they engage in imaginary play. Preschool girls are more likely to have and interact with pretend companions. Most of their companions were humans with a specific gender rather than animals or make-believe creatures. Rather than creating imaginary friends separate from themselves, boys are more likely to Imaginary Companion 8 impersonate imaginary characters, such as superheroes they see in cartoons on television. However, when they have an imaginary friend, they often generate imaginary animals, rather than humans. The boys mostly create imaginary animals the same sex as themselves (Hoff, 2005; Taylor, Carlson, Maring, Gerow, & Charley, 2004). Imaginary companions, as well as make-believe play, are often associated with children between the ages of three and five. However, research has shown that children continue to maintain these friendships as well as engage in pretend play as they go through elementary school. Research reports that 65% of sixand seven-year-olds claimed to have had an imaginary friend at some point in their lives. Around 31% of those children stated they currently continued to play with their make-believe companions even though they were beyond preschool and into their elementary years (Taylor et al., 2004). Hoff (2005) found that half of fourth graders reported having imaginary companions earlier in their childhood. Approximately 57% of these children had their make-believe friends after the age of seven. Despite popular belief that children only engage with imaginary friends in early childhood, many children continued their pretend friendships into middle childhood. Cognitive factors and the ability to distinguish fantasy from reality Children with imaginary companions may possibly engage in more creative activities and participate in pretend play more often than their peers who do not have an imaginary companion (Bouldin, 2006; Bouldin & Pratt, 1999). Bouldin found that the presence of an imaginary companion in a child’s life significantly correlated with the child’s tendency to participate in fantasy-based activities. Particularly, there were differences between children with imaginary companions and children without imaginary Imaginary Companion 9 companions in regards to their dream content, daydreams, and game content. Therefore, these findings support the notion that children with imaginary companions create more vivid mental images. Furthermore, Bouldin and Pratt suggest imaginary companions may function as a way for children to accommodate new information into their schemata when parents and teachers positively reinforce the child’s exploration. The way a child thinks is often affected by the presence of imaginary companions. Children with make-believe friends reported daydreaming more often than other children. Most of their daydreams occurred while they were alone, and many times they described a more vivid experience than other children where they could almost see and hear the events they imagined around them. Furthermore, it was found that children with imaginary friends had more mythical dreams at night and were more imaginative. Overall, research supports the notion that children with make-believe companions often have more imagination and engage further in imaginary play (Bouldin, 2006). Cognitive development is also affected as a result of using the imagination while engaging in play. In 2003, Gmitrová and Gmitrov found that preschool curriculum based on play was more effective in a child’s cognitive development than other methods of teaching young children. Furthermore, Gmitrová and Gmitrov (2004) found when children do not engage specifically in child-directed pretend play a number of skills are diminished later in life, including meta-cognition, problem-solving, social cognition, and overall academics. Lewis et al. (2000) suggest that a relationship exists between imaginary play and language development in children. Since children symbolize activities during pretend play, their conceptual knowledge grows, increasing their verbal competency. Russ (2003) claims “play fosters the development of cognitive and affective Imaginary Companion 10 processes that are important in the creative act” (p. 291). He found that divergent thinking emerged as a result of fantasy and imagination during early childhood. A common consideration of researchers is whether or not children realize they are engaging in pretend play. Are children capable of understanding the difference between fantasy and reality? It is suggested that children who engage in fantasy-based play on a regular basis have a different theory of mind than other children. Bouldin and Pratt (2001) found that children with imaginary companions and children without imaginary companions reacted differently to a pretend “monster” shadow on a wall, indicating that children with imaginary companions may possibly believe in the reality of the figure more often than their peers. Carrick and Quas (2006) sought to determine whether or not children could discern the difference between real and fake images depicting a number of events provoking common emotions. The results revealed children were more likely to recognize pretend positive events as realistic more often than those that were frightening or sad. Therefore, it is indicated that children are more likely to mistake happy and exciting false events as realistic. However, it is possible they fail to recognize the possibility of a negative event happening to them. Also, children often emotionally attached themselves to fictional stories. These children often asked questions about specific characteristics of the characters and re-enacted the stories in pretend play (Alexander, Miller, & Hengst, 2001). Emotional understanding A correlation between imaginary friends and a greater understanding of emotions in preschool children has been found. Children who interacted in pretend play alongside their peers showed a greater understanding of feelings than children who did not engage Imaginary Companion 11 in imaginary play. As a result of their social interactions with the other children as they pretended real-life activities, children expanded their ability to understand the emotions of other people. In addition, children who participated in play that was structured, complex, and creative showed a higher understanding of relationships through their thoughts, feelings, and actions (Lindsey & Colwell, 2003; Niec & Russ, 2002). It was suggested that children with imaginary friends had more patience because they entertained themselves longer through fantasy and imagination. The results of Manosevitz, Fling, and Prentice (1977) reveal that there were no significant differences on any of the fantasy and imagination measures. Contradictory to their research, Singer (1961) found different results in his study on children’s imagination and the ability to wait. Children who were more predisposed to engage in fantasy were able to remain standing or wait quietly in their seats for a significantly longer period of time than children who were not as imaginative. However, Manosevitz et al. relied heavily on the parents’ reports of whether or not their children had an imaginary friend. Therefore, some parents may not be aware of their child’s imaginary friend. There is also contradictory evidence regarding the connection between children’s intelligence and imaginary companions. I.Q. differences between children with pretend friends and those without were not found in one study by Manosevitz et al. (1977). However, Taylor and Carlson (1997) found that many children with imaginary friends could be classified as engaging in a high level of fantasy. Furthermore, this group of children resulted in having higher scores on verbal intelligence than children in the low fantasy group. Imaginary Companion 12 Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study is to research whether or not a relationship exists between the prevalence of imaginary companions and the ability to socially adapt. The following research question is being considered in this study: Is there a possible correlation between the prevalence of an imaginary companion in the lives of children and their ability to socially adapt later in life? It is hypothesized that, due to loneliness and a need for camaraderie, children with imaginary companions or tendencies to engage in pretend play learn to socially adapt in their surrounding environment differently than their peers. Method